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把中國變成美國敵人適得其反

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把中國變成美國敵人適得其反

時間: 2019-7-3 12:28| 發表評論分享到微信

 
摘要: 美國中文網報道,《華盛頓郵報》周三刊登題為《把中國變成美國的敵人適得其反》的給川普總統的公開信。此信由美國麻省理工學院教授傅泰林(M. Taylor Fravel)、前美國駐華大使芮效儉(J. Stapleton Roy)、卡內基國際和平基金會高級研究員史文、前美國國務院代 ...
 
 
美國中文網報道 《華盛頓郵報》周三刊登題為《把中國變成美國的敵人適得其反》的給川普總統的公開信。此信由美國麻省理工學院教授傅泰林(M. Taylor Fravel)、前美國駐華大使芮效儉(J. Stapleton Roy)、卡內基國際和平基金會高級研究員史文(Michael D. Swaine)、前美國國務院代理助理國務卿董雲裳(Susan Thornton)和前哈佛大學教授傅高義(Ezra F. Vogel)撰寫,並有其他95名美國的「中國通」聯署(共100人)。公開信從7個方面論證為何中美對抗與美國不利,並指出聯署此信的人數表明,在華盛頓並沒有必須與中國為敵的壓倒性共識。

 

美前政要、重量級學者致信川普:把中國變成美國敵人適得其反_圖1-1

公開信全文如下:
 
親愛的總統川普、國會議員:
 
我們來自學界、外交界、軍隊以及商界,絕大多數來自美國,很多人整個職業生涯聚焦於亞洲。我們對不斷惡化的美中關係深感擔憂,認為這不符合美國的全球利益。儘管我們對北京最近的作為深感不安,並認為需要以強硬的方式回應,但我們也認為,美國的很多作為直接將雙邊關係推向下降的螺旋。
 
以下七點主張是我們關於中國的共同觀點,提出了美國當前對華政策的問題,以及更有效的美國政策應是如何。我們附上了自己的職務,這僅僅是出於確認身份的目的。
 
1.       中國近年來令人不安的行為——包括其更嚴厲的對內壓迫、國家對私營企業控制的不斷加強、未能遵守多項貿易承諾、強化控制國外言論的努力、以及更有野心的外交政策——對世界構成嚴重挑戰。這些挑戰需要美國以堅定、有效的方式應對,但當前美國的對華政策適得其反。
 
2.       我們認為中國不是經濟敵人,也不對美國構成國家安全方面的生存威脅、到需要全面對抗的程度;另外,中國並非鐵板一塊,其領導人的觀點也並非不可動搖。儘管中國快速發展的經濟和軍事實力將北京導向更強硬的國際角色,但很多中國官員和精英知道,保持與西方溫和、務實和真誠合作的關係符合中國的利益。華盛頓與北京對立的立場削弱了那些聲音的影響力,對強硬的民族主義者有利。如果在競爭和合作之間達到正確的平衡,那麼美國的行為可以增強那些支持中國在世界扮演建設性角色的中國領導人的力量。
 
3.       美國試圖將中國以敵人對待、並在國際經濟中與其脫鉤的努力將損害美國的國際角色和聲譽,並削弱所有國家的經濟。美國的反對無法阻止中國經濟繼續擴張、其企業在國際市場佔有率繼續提高以及中國在國際問題上扮演更大角色。進一步來說,美國無法僅通過傷害中國本身來顯著減緩其發展。如果美國向盟友施壓,令其將中國視為經濟和政治敵人,那麼美國與盟友間的關係將被削弱,被孤立的將是華盛頓而非北京。
 
 
4.       對中國可能取代美國成為全球領袖的擔心被誇大了。絕大多數其他國家對這樣的情景不感興趣,目前也不清楚,北京本身是否認為這一目標是必要、或可實現的。更重要的是,一個致力於限制自己公民獲取信息和機會、並嚴厲鎮壓其少數族裔的政府,不會獲得有意義的國際支持,也不會成功吸引國際人才。對於這些行為,美國最佳的回應應是和盟友、夥伴一道,創造一個更加開放、繁榮的世界,同時向中國提供參與機會。孤立中國的努力只會削弱那些想要發展更人道、包容社會的中國人。
 
5.       儘管中國設定了到本世紀中葉成為世界級軍事強國的目標,但它要成為全球支配性的軍事力量還面臨很多阻礙。但是,北京不斷增長的軍事能力已經開始侵蝕美國在西太平洋長期的軍事主導地位。對此最佳的應對方式不是展開無止境的軍備競賽、大力發展進攻性、深度打擊武器以及設定重建直抵中國邊境的美國控制力的目標——這幾乎不可能實現。明智的政策是,和盟友一道保持威懾、強調防禦性、區域阻斷能力、韌性以及挫敗攻擊美國和盟友領土的能力。
 
6.       北京正尋求削弱西方民主準則在世界秩序中扮演的角色。但它並不尋求推翻現行秩序下,重要的經濟以及其他領域規則;實際上,中國本身在數十年里也從其中獲益。確實,中國的參與對國際體系的存續、以及就像氣候變化這樣的共同問題採取有效措施來說,至關重要。美國應鼓勵中國參與新的或修正過的國際制度,其中新興力量可以有更大的聲音。以零和的方式處理中國的角色只會鼓勵北京要麼從現有體系中脫鉤,要麼支持國際秩序的分裂,這會傷害西方的利益。
 
7.       總的來說,成功的美國對華政策必須聚焦於創造與其他國家間可持續的同盟,對經濟和安全目標提供支持。它必須基於對中國份額、利益、目標和行為的現實評價;美國及其盟友的資源與其政策目標和利益的準確對接;以及投入更多資源加強美國發揮模範作用的能力。說到底,美國必須重塑其在變化的世界中參與競爭的能力,並與其他國家和國際組織通力而為,而不是推動適得其反的主張、削弱並遏制中國在世界的參與。這樣才能實現美國自身的利益最大化。
 
我們認為,這封信簽署人數眾多這一點可以清楚說明,華盛頓並沒有像一些人認為的那樣,存在著一個支持與中國全面為敵立場的共識。
 
(公開信英文原文見下頁)
 

By M. Taylor Fravel , J. Stapleton Roy , Michael D. Swaine , Susan A. Thornton and Ezra Vogel
 
July 3, 2019 Washington Post
 
Dear President Trump and members of Congress:
 
We are members of the scholarly, foreign policy, military and business community, overwhelmingly from the United States, including many who have focused on Asia throughout our professional careers. We are deeply concerned about the growing deterioration in U.S. relations with China, which we believe does not serve American or global interests. Although we are very troubled by Beijing』s recent behavior, which requires a strong response, we also believe that many U.S. actions are contributing directly to the downward spiral in relations.
 
The following seven propositions represent our collective views on China, the problems in the U.S. approach to China and the basic elements of a more effective U.S. policy. Our institutional affiliations are provided for identification purposes only.
 
1. China』s troubling behavior in recent years — including its turn toward greater domestic repression, increased state control over private firms, failure to live up to several of its trade commitments, greater efforts to control foreign opinion and more aggressive foreign policy — raises serious challenges for the rest of the world. These challenges require a firm and effective U.S. response, but the current approach to China is fundamentally counterproductive.
 
2. We do not believe that Beijing is an economic enemy or an existential national security threat that must be confronted in every sphere; nor is China a monolith, or the views of its leaders set in stone. Although its rapid economic and military growth has led Beijing toward a more assertive international role, many Chinese officials and other elites know that a moderate, pragmatic and genuinely cooperative approach with the West serves China』s interests. Washington』s adversarial stance toward Beijing weakens the influence of those voices in favor of assertive nationalists. With the right balance of competition and cooperation, U.S. actions can strengthen those Chinese leaders who want China to play a constructive role in world affairs.
 
3. U.S. efforts to treat China as an enemy and decouple it from the global economy will damage the United States』 international role and reputation and undermine the economic interests of all nations. U.S. opposition will not prevent the continued expansion of the Chinese economy, a greater global market share for Chinese companies and an increase in China』s role in world affairs. Moreover, the United States cannot significantly slow China』s rise without damaging itself. If the United States presses its allies to treat China as an economic and political enemy, it will weaken its relations with those allies and could end up isolating itself rather than Beijing.
 
4. The fear that Beijing will replace the United States as the global leader is exaggerated. Most other countries have no interest in such an outcome, and it is not clear that Beijing itself sees this goal as necessary or feasible. Moreover, a government intent on limiting the information and opportunities available to its own citizens and harshly repressing its ethnic minorities will not garner meaningful international support nor succeed in attracting global talent. The best American response to these practices is to work with our allies and partners to create a more open and prosperous world in which China is offered the opportunity to participate. Efforts to isolate China will simply weaken those Chinese intent on developing a more humane and tolerant society.
 
5. Although China has set a goal of becoming a world-class military by mid-century, it faces immense hurdles to operating as a globally dominant military power. However, Beijing』s growing military capabilities have already eroded the United States』 long-standing military preeminence in the Western Pacific. The best way to respond to this is not to engage in an open-ended arms race centered on offensive, deep-strike weapons and the virtually impossible goal of reasserting full-spectrum U.S. dominance up to China』s borders. A wiser policy is to work with allies to maintain deterrence, emphasizing defensive-oriented, area denial capabilities, resiliency and the ability to frustrate attacks on U.S. or allied territory.
 
6. Beijing is seeking to weaken the role of Western democratic norms within the global order. But it is not seeking to overturn vital economic and other components of that order from which China itself has benefited for decades. Indeed, China』s engagement in the international system is essential to the system』s survival and to effective action on common problems such as climate change. The United States should encourage Chinese participation in new or modified global regimes in which rising powers have a greater voice. A zero-sum approach to China』s role would only encourage Beijing to either disengage from the system or sponsor a divided global order that would be damaging to Western interests.
 
7. In conclusion, a successful U.S. approach to China must focus on creating enduring coalitions with other countries in support of economic and security objectives. It must be based on a realistic appraisal of Chinese perceptions, interests, goals and behavior; an accurate match of U.S. and allied resources with policy goals and interests; and a rededication of U.S. efforts to strengthen its own capacity to serve as a model for others. Ultimately, the United States』 interests are best served by restoring its ability to compete effectively in a changing world and by working alongside other nations and international organizations rather than by promoting a counterproductive effort to undermine and contain China』s engagement with the world.
 
We believe that the large number of signers of this open letter clearly indicates that there is no single Washington consensus endorsing an overall adversarial stance toward China, as some believe exists.
 
M. Taylor Fravel is a professor of political science at MIT. J. Stapleton Roy is a distinguished scholar at the Wilson Center and a former U.S. ambassador to China. Michael D. Swaine is a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Susan A. Thornton is a senior fellow at Yale Law School』s Paul Tsai China Center and a former acting assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs. Ezra Vogel is a professor emeritus at Harvard University.
 
The above individuals circulated the letter, which was signed by the following individuals:
 
●James Acton, co-director, Nuclear Policy Program and Jessica T. Mathews Chair, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
 
●Craig Allen, former U.S. ambassador to Brunei from 2014–2018
 
●Andrew Bacevich, co-founder, Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft
 
●Jeffrey A. Bader, senior fellow, Brookings Institution
 
●C. Fred Bergsten, senior fellow and director emeritus, Peterson Institute for International Economics
 
●Jan Berris, vice president, National Committee on United States-China Relations
 
●Dennis J. Blasko, former U.S. Army Attaché to China, 1992-1996
 
●Pieter Bottelier, visiting scholar, School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University
 
●Ian Bremmer, president, Eurasia Group
 
●Richard Bush, Chen-Fu and Cecilia Yen Koo Chair in Taiwan Studies, Brookings Institution
 
●Jerome A. Cohen, faculty director, US-Asia Law Institute, New York University
 
●Warren I. Cohen, distinguished university professor emeritus, University of Maryland
 
●Bernard Cole, former U.S. Navy captain
 
●James F. Collins, U.S. ambassador to the Russian Federation 1997-2001
 
●Gerald L Curtis, Burgess Professor Emeritus, Columbia University
 
●Toby Dalton, co-director, Nuclear Policy Program, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
 
●Robert Daly, director, Kissinger Institute on China and the U.S., Wilson Center
 
●Michael C. Desch, Packey J. Professor of International Affairs and director of the Notre Dame International Security Center
 
●Mac Destler, professor emeritus, University of Maryland School of Public Policy
 
●Bruce Dickson, professor of political science and international affairs, George Washington University
 
●David Dollar, senior fellow, Brookings Institution
 
●Peter Dutton, senior fellow, U.S.-Asia Law Institute; adjunct Professor, New York University School of Law
 
●Robert Einhorn, senior fellow, Brookings Institution; former assistant secretary of state for nonproliferation, 2009-2013
 
●Amitai Etzioni, University Professor and Professor of International Affairs, George Washington University
 
●Thomas Fingar, Asia Pacific Research Center, Stanford University; former deputy director of national intelligence for analysis, 2005-2008
 
●Mary Gallagher, political science professor and director of the Lieberthal-Rogel Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan
 
●John Gannon, adjunct professor, Georgetown University; former chairman of the National Intelligence Council, 1997-2001
 
●Avery Goldstein, David M. Knott Professor of Global Politics and International Relations, University of Pennsylvania
 
●Steven M. Goldstein, associate of the Fairbank Center; director of the Taiwan Studies Workshop at Harvard University
 
●David F. Gordon, senior advisor, International Institute of Strategic Studies; former director of Policy Planning at the U.S. State Department, 2007-2009
 
●Philip H. Gordon, Mary and David Boies Senior Fellow in U.S. Foreign Policy at the Council on Foreign Relations; former special assistant to the president and Coordinator for the Middle East and assistant secretary of state for European and Eurasian Affairs
 
●Morton H. Halperin, former director of Policy Planning Staff at State Department, 1998-2001
 
●Lee Hamilton, former congressman; former president and director of the Wilson Center
 
●Clifford A. Hart Jr., former U.S. consul general to Hong Kong and Macau, 2013-2016
 
●Paul Heer, adjunct professor, George Washington University; former National Intelligence Officer for East Asia, 2007-2015
 
●Eric Heginbotham, principal research scientist, Massachusetts Institute of Technology』s Center for International Studies
 
●Ambassador Carla A. Hills, former United States Trade Representative, 1989-1993; chair & CEO Hills & Company, International Consultants
 
●Jamie P. Horsley, senior fellow at the Paul Tsai China Center, Yale Law School
 
●Yukon Huang, senior fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
 
●Frank Jannuzi, president and CEO, Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation
 
●Robert Jervis, Adlai E. Stevenson Professor and Professor of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University
 
●Marvin Kalb, nonresident senior fellow, Brookings Institution
 
●Mickey Kantor, former secretary of commerce,1996-1997; U.S. trade representative, 1993-1996
 
●Robert Kapp, president, Robert A. Kapp & Associates, Inc.; former president, U.S.-China Business Council; former president, Washington Council on International Trade
 
●Albert Keidel, adjunct graduate professor, George Washington University; former deputy director of the Office of East Asian Nations at the Treasury Department, 2001-2004
 
●Robert O. Keohane, professor of International Affairs emeritus, Princeton University
 
●William Kirby, Spangler Family Professor of Business Administration at Harvard Business School; T. M. Chang Professor of China Studies at Harvard University
 
●Helena Kolenda, program director for Asia, Henry Luce Foundation
 
●Charles Kupchan, professor of International Affairs, Georgetown University; senior fellow, Council on Foreign Relations
 
●David M. Lampton, professor emeritus at Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies; Oksenberg Rholen Fellow, Stanford University Asia-Pacific Research Center; former president, National Committee on U.S.-China Relations
 
●Nicholas Lardy, Anthony M. Solomon Senior Fellow, Peterson Institute for International Economics
 
●Chung Min Lee, senior fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
 
●Herbert Levin, former staff member for China on National Security Council and Policy Planning Council
 
●Cheng Li, director and senior fellow, John L. Thornton China Center, The Brookings Institution
 
●Kenneth Lieberthal, professor emeritus, University of Michigan; former Asia senior director, National Security Council, 1998-2000
 
●Yawei Liu, director of China Program, The Carter Center
 
●Jessica Mathews, distinguished fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
 
●James McGregor, chairman, Greater China, APCO Worldwide
 
●John McLaughlin, distinguished practitioner in residence, School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University; former deputy director and acting director of the CIA, 2000-2004
 
●Andrew Mertha, Hyman Professor and Director of the China Program, School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University
 
●Alice Lyman Miller, research fellow, Hoover Institution, Stanford University
 
●Mike Mochizuki, Japan-U.S. Relations Chair in Memory of Gaston Sigur, George Washington University
 
●Michael Nacht, Thomas and Alison Schneider Professor of Public Policy, University of California, Berkeley; former assistant secretary of defense for global strategic affairs, 2009-2010
 
●Moises Naim, distinguished fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
 
●Joseph Nye, University Distinguished Service Professor emeritus and former dean, Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University
 
●Kevin O』Brien, political science professor and director of Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley
 
●Jean Oi, William Haas Professor of Chinese Politics, Stanford University
 
●Stephen A. Orlins, president, National Committee on U.S.-China Relations
 
●William Overholt senior research fellow, Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business and Government, Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University
 
●Douglas Paal, distinguished fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
 
●Margaret M. Pearson, Dr. Horace V. and Wilma E. Harrison Distinguished Professor, University of Maryland, College Park
 
●Peter C. Perdue, professor of history, Yale University
 
●Elizabeth J. Perry , Henry Rosovsky Professor of Government, Harvard University; director, Harvard-Yenching Institute
 
●Daniel W Piccuta, former deputy chief of mission and acting ambassador, Beijing
 
●Thomas Pickering, former under secretary of state for political affairs, 1997-2000; former U.S. ambassador to the United Nations from 1989-1992
 
●Paul R. Pillar , nonresident senior fellow at the Center for Security Studies, Georgetown University
 
●Jonathan D. Pollack, nonresident senior fellow, John L. Thornton China Center, Brookings Institution
 
●Barry Posen, Ford International Professor of Political Science, Massachusetts Institute of Technology; director, MIT Security Studies Program
 
●Shelley Rigger, Brown Professor of East Asian Politics, Davidson College
 
●Charles S. Robb, former U.S. senator (1989-2001) and former chairman of the East Asia subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee; governor of Virginia from 1982 to 1986
 
●Robert S. Ross, professor of political science, Boston College
 
●Scott D. Sagan, the Caroline S.G. Munro Professor of Political Science, Stanford University
 
●Gary Samore, senior executive director, Crown Center for Middle East Studies at Brandeis University
 
●Richard J. Samuels, Ford International Professor of Political Science and director, Massachusetts Institute of Technology』s Center for International Studies
 
●David Shear, former assistant secretary of defense, 2014-2016; former U.S. ambassador to Vietnam
 
●Anne-Marie Slaughter, former director of policy planning, State Department, 2009-2011; Bert G. Kerstetter 『66 University Professor Emerita of Politics and International Affairs, Princeton University
 
●Richard Sokolsky, nonresident senior fellow, Russia and Eurasia Program, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
 
●James Steinberg, former deputy secretary of state, 2009-2011
 
●Michael Szonyi, Frank Wen-Hsiung Wu Memorial Professor of Chinese History Director, Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies, Harvard University
 
●Strobe Talbott, former deputy secretary of state, 1994-2001
 
●Anne F. Thurston, former senior research professor, School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University
 
●Andrew G. Walder, Denise O』Leary and Kent Thiry Professor, School of Humanities and Sciences, Stanford University
 
●Graham Webster, coordinating editor, Stanford-New America DigiChina Project
 
●David A. Welch, University Research Chair, Balsillie School of International Affairs
 
●Daniel B. Wright, president and CEO, GreenPoint Group; former managing director for China and the Strategic Economic Dialogue, Treasury Department

   
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